Chapter -II - Shodhganga

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Sayyid, Ḥasan, that, Nawāb, with, Ṣiddīque, Khān, Muḥammad, cit.,, from, this, Khān,, Begum, Saeedullāh,, family, ‘Alī, were, Jahān, state, Jalāl, these, British, Begum,, Aḥmad, which, Shāh, Bhopal, also, when, their


Chapter -II
C h a p t e r - I I | 43
Ancestral Particulars and Background
Abū Tayyib Ṣiddīque ibn Ḥasan ibn ‘Alī, Ḥusainī, Bukhārī, Kanaujī, known as
Amīr al- Mulk Wālājāh Sayyid Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, Nawāb of Bhopal,
lived from 1248/1832/ to 1307/1890. He belonged to well known family of Sayyids.1 His
family lineage is following:
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan ibn Awlād Ḥasan ibn Sayyid Awlād ‘Alī ibn Sayyid Lutfullāh
ibn Sayyid Azīz ibn Lutf ‘Alī ibn Sayyid ‘Alī Asghar ibn Sayyid Kabīr ibn Sayyid
Tājuddīn ibn Sayyid Jalāl Rabī‘ ibn Sayyid Rajū Shahīd ibn Sayyid Jalīl thālith ibn
Sayyid Rukunūddīn Abū al-Fatah ibn Sayyid Ḥāmid Kabīr ibn Sayyid Nasiruddīn
Maḥmud ibn Sayyid Jalāluddīn Qutub ‘Alam ibn Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr ibn Sayyid Jalāl
‘Aẓam ibn Sayyid ‘Alī Mu‘bad ibn Sayyid J‘afar ibn Sayyid Muḥammad ibn Sayyid
‘Abdullah ibn Sayyid ‘Alī Naqī ibn Sayyid Muḥammad Taqī ibn Imām ‘Alī Raḍī ibn
Imām Mūsā Kāẓim ibn Imām J‘afar Sādiq ibn Imām Muḥammad Baqar ibn Imām ‘Alī
Zayn al- ‘Ᾱbdīn ibn Huasain ibn Fatimah daughter of Prophet Muḥammad. 2
His family claimed descent from al-Ḥusain ibn ‘Alī, hence from Fatima and
finally to Prophet. According to family genealogy, the family moved from Madina to
Baghdad and then to Bukhārah, until Sayyid Jalāl Gulsurkh moved to India in 635/1237.3
Sayyid Jalāl Gulsurkh, Sayyid Jalāl ‘Aẓam, the son of Sayyid ‘Alī Mubid, his name
was Ḥusain and surname Gulsurkh, migrated from Bukhārah to Multān in 635/1237 and
settled in Uch, a village near Multān. He became the disciple of Shaikh al-Islam Bahā alDīn Zakariyyah and married the daughter of Sayyid Badr al-Dīn, the son of Sayyid Sadr
al-Dīn, Khātib (a religious leader who delivers sermon on Fridays) of the village Bhakkar
near Multān. It was his second marriage because his first marriage had already taken
place in Bukhārah before his migration to Multān. He was known as Sayyid Jalāl ‘Aẓam
Gulsurkh. He died in Uch at Multān and was buried there. His tomb is still visited by a
large number of people.4
Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, Sayyid Jalāl ‘Aẓam‘s son Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr was also a well
known saint who was highly esteemed by the people for his piety and good conduct.
People were so impressed by his virtues that after, his death, they started respecting his
tomb as well. He was succeeded by his son Abu Abdullah Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn.5
C h a p t e r - I I | 44
Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Makhdūm, Abū ‘Abdullah Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn, known as
Makhdūm Jahānyn Jahānggasht, was born in Ūch in 707/1307. He travelled for and wide
and acquired an intensive knowledge of the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth. He visited Makkah,
Madina Jerusalem, Syria, and Egypt, and met no less than three hundred ‘ulemāʼ there.
Because of his outstanding contributions to the cause of Islam by preaching and teaching
and his journeys to the Middle East and Africa, he was called Makhdūm Jahānīyan
Jahāngasht (one who is served by, and seen, the whole world). He died in Ūch in
785/1385 at the age of seventy seven and was buried there. His tomb is a centre of
pilgrimage for many visitors.6
Children of Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Makhdūm, Sayyid Jalāl al-Din had three sons, Sayyid
Nāsir al-Dīn Mahmūd, Sayyid ‘Abdullah and Sayyid Muḥammad Akbar. He was
succeeded by his son Sayyid Nasir al- Dīn. He had three wives. One came from a Sayyid
family in Delhi; the other was the daughter of a green-grocer, to whom the ruler of the
Delhi allotted a jāgīr. Her children were known as Khoskī Sayyids. The third was the
daughter of Malak Ishāq Khokar, a famous landlord of Gujarat. From these unions Nāsir
al-Dīn had twenty three children. They spread themselves throughout India as preachers
and settled at places of their own choice. Sayyid Ḥāmid Kabīr, one of these twenty three
children, succeeded to the gaddī (the throne of a spiritual leader of his father). He had
three children, Sayyid Bahāʼ al-Dīn, who died childless, Sayyid Rukn al-Dīn and Bībī
Sayyid Rukn al-Dīn succeeded his father Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, and Sayyid Rukn
al-Dīn was then succeeded by his son Sayyid Jalāl Thālith, the first man of his family
who left Multān and migrated Delhi on the invitation of Bahlul Lodhi (d. 894/1488).
Bahlūl Lodhī had been his disciple for a long time, and when he learnt that he was no
longer happy friction, he brought him to Delhi and presented him with a handsome jāgīr
at Kanauj- a well-established centre of political and cultural activities since time
immanent- for which he left Delhi and settled there.8
Sayyid Jalāl Thālith had four sons-Sayyid ‘Alī, Sayyid Rājū, Sayyid Shu‘ayb and
Ja‘far. The first three remained with their father at Kanauj and the fourth; Sayyid Ja‘far
migrated to the province of Thath and settled there. After Sayyid Jalāl Thālith, his son
Sayyid Rājū succeeded his father’s gaddī: He had eleven sons–Sayyid Tāj al-Dīn, who
died childless; Sayyid Nahtan and Sayyid Khawān settled at Hājīpur and Maināpur in the
C h a p t e r - I I | 45
district of Aẓimābād (Patna); Sayyid Aḥmad and Sayyid Burhān migrated to Gujarat;
Sayyid Muḥammad and Sayyid ‘Alī died in their childhood; Sayyid Jalāl Rābi‘(the
fourth) and Sayyid ‘Alā’al-Dīn stayed with their father.9 Sayyid Jalāl Rabi‘succeeded his
father, Sayyid Rājū, and inherited the gaddī and endowments of his predecessors; but his
brother ‘Alāʼ al-Dīn an ambitious man, revolted against him, ousted him and usurped the
property and gaddī of the family himself. Sayyid Jalāl Rābi‘ a pious man did not approve
any reaction. He, however, could not live peacefully any longer at Kanauj and so moved
to Sheikhupura, where some of his predecessors had lived and possessed a handsome
money jāgīr as well. Since they had no successors, Sayyid Jalāl Rabi‘ was considered
their apparent and he came into possession of the jāgīr. His family remained in
Sheikhupura for five generations- Sayyid Tāj al-Dīn, Sayyid Kabīr, Sayyid ‘Alī Asgar,
Sayyid Lutf Allāh and Sayyid ‘Azīz Allāh.10
Sayyid ‘Azīz Allah had two sons – Sayyid Lutf Allāh, whose mother was from
Ahmadpur, and Sayyid Hidāyat ‘Alī, whose mother was from Hyderabad Deccan. Sayyid
Hidāyat‘Alī Khān Dalāyr Jang migrated to Hyderabad Deccan and settled there. He died
childless and was succeeded by his brother Sayyid Lutf Allāh.11
Sayyid Lutf Allāh had two children- Sayyid Awlād ‘Alī and Bībī Bashārat. Their
mother was the daughter of Sayyid Yār ‘Alī Balhorī, a Shī‘ah, and whose ancestors had
lived in Balhore for a few generations.12
Sayyid Lutf Allāh was succeeded by his son Sayyid Awlād ‘Alī. He entered the
service of Shams al-‘Umrā Abul Fath Khān, the cousin of his grandfather, Sayyid Azīz
Allāh. Abul Fath Khān at first was an Amīr (chief) in the service of the Nizām, but later
on married his sister and thus became his second-in-command. Because of his link with
the Nizām and with Awlād ‘Alī, he recommended Awlād ‘Alī to the Nizām, who
appointed him governor of the principality of Golconda, bestowed upon him a jāgīr
worth half a million rupees and decorated with the title of Khān Bahadur Anwar Jang. A
regiment of one thousand men also put at his command. It is further reported that
Asafhjāh, the predecessor of the Nizām, came from family of Awlād ‘Alī and his
ancestors. He died in Hyderabad Deccan in 1218/1803. 13
C h a p t e r - I I | 46
Sayyid Awalād ‘Alī had two wives-one from Hyderabad, who died childless, and
the other from Kanauj, who gave birth to two children-Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan and Bībī
Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan Khān, Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan Khān, the father of Muḥammad
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, was born in Kanauj in 1200/1785. He was first given training in
Persian, and then put under the supervision of Maulavī ‘Abd Al-Bāsit Kanaujī, who
taught him most of the preliminary books in Grammar, Fiqh, Ḥadīth and Tafsīr.15
When he grew up and about fifteen years of age, he realized that Muslim power
was rapidly declining because of the drift from the actual teaching of Islam. He also
observed that Muslims were giving more importance to customs and traditions than to
the teaching of the Qur’ān and the Ḥadīth. He therefore, determined to equip himself
with scholarship of the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth and fight against the customs and traditions
that had intruded into Islamic practice. To realize this ambition, he went to Lucknow and
joined the lectures of Maulavi Muḥammad Nūr and Mirza Ḥasan ‘Alī the famous
traditionalist of the time. He remained with them for some time and, in 1233/1818, he
left Lucknow for Delhi the greatest center of learning and residence of the Walīullah
family and joined the lectures of Shah ‘Abd al-Azīz, Shah Rafī‘ Al-Dīn, and Shāh ‘Abd
al-Qādir. Their teachings inspired him so much that he gave up shī‘ah faith and became a
In these times, the missionary activities of Sayyid Aḥmad Shahīd were at their
zenith. This provided a good opportunity for the realization of Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan
Khān’s ambitions. He therefore, became the novice of Sayyid Aḥmad Shahīd. When
Aḥmad Shahīd mobilized his mujāhidīn for jihād against the Sikhs in the frontier, Awlād
Ḥasan Khān accompanied him Afghanistan, where he worked as a missionary and made
many converts to Islam. He was a pious man. He inherited considerable wealth from his
father, but he did not accept it because he was of the opinion that a Sunnī son could not
legally inherit the property of Shī‘ah father. It is reported that Sayyid Aḥmad Shahīd
once asked him:
O Sayyid brother! Why did you not take the property of your brother? If you
possessed that large amount of money today, it would have been invested for the welfare
of the Muslims” He replied: Sir, I left the money, because my father was a Shī‘ah. He
accumulated considerable wealth, and constructed many buildings, to exhibit his wealth
C h a p t e r - I I | 47
and gain popularity. I do not know whether he earned this money by fair or unfair means.
If he earned it by unfair means, it is obviously unacceptable; if by fair means Allah
bestowed me with the wealth of knowledge instead, and made me independent of it.16
Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan Khān wrote many books, among them Risālah-i-Tauhīd,
Risālah dar Adab wa Wa‘ẓ, Hidāyat al-Mūʼminīn, Taqvīyyat al-Yaqīn, Nūr al-Wafāʼ min
Mir’at al- Ṣafāʼ, and Rāh-i-Jannat. Taking into account the political and religious
condition of Muslims, the importance of these books, especially Hidāyat al-Mūʼminīn,
could not be underestimated.
Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan Khān had married Najb al-Nisāʼ the daughter of muftī
Muḥammad ‘Awd who gave birth to five children- two sons: Sayyid Aḥmad Ḥasan, nom
de plum ‘Arshī’ and Sayyid Ṣiddīque Ḥasan, and three daughters: Fatimah, Maryam and
Muhamadī. 17
Sayyid Aḥmad Ḥasan Arashī, Aḥmad Ḥasan, the elder brother of Muḥammad Ṣiddīque
Ḥasan, was born in Kanauj in 1246/1830.18 His father died when he was seven years of
age. His mother arranged his elementary education at home. When he grew up, he made
several journeys to various part of India in pursuit of further education. He went to Delhi,
where he read Ḥadīth and Tafsīr from Shāh ‘Abd al-Ghanī, son of Shāh Walīullah, and
got sanad from him, he was a ghayr muqllid (one who does not follow any of the four
school of thought in Islamic jurisprudence) and wrote many pamphlets against taqlīd. He
was an intelligent, poet and could write poetry in Arabic, Persian and Urdu very well. He
died in Baroda in 1277/1860 on his way to Makkah.19
Thus, we can say, the ancestors of Muḥammad Sidddique Ḥasan Khān were
distinguished, if not always wealthy. They believed in Islam and, hence dedicated their
lives to teach it to others. For example, Makhdūm Jahāniyan Jahāngasht spent most of
his life in learning, teaching and making convert to Islam. The family members were also
prominent as statesman and administrators. Sayyid Jalāl Thālith, so impressed Bahlūl
Lodhī with his piety and strength of character that, to obtain his blessing, Bahlūl Lodhī
presented him with a handsome jāgīr. Muahammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān’s father,
Sayyid Awlād Ḥasan Khān, proved a man of strong character. He rejected the property of
his father believing that it was unlawful for him to inherit it. For him not riches but
knowledge was the greatest wealth.
C h a p t e r - I I | 48
Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān
Early life and Education
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was born on Sunday 19 Jumādī al-Awwal
1248/1832 in the house of his maternal grandfather in Bareily near Kanauj.20 His father
died when he was five years old; and the entire responsibility of the family fell on his
mother’s shoulders. His father left nothing behind except a small collection of books and
impoverished family of five children. Under these circumstances, it was extremely
difficult to his mother to educate her son as she would wish. However, she arranged his
basic education with Imām of the village mosque, and taught Muḥammad Ṣiddīque
Ḥasan Khān the fundamentals of Islam: prayer, recitation of the Qur’ān and a few
traditional Persian pamphlets herself. He got some classes from his brother as well, but
he was not satisfied with this limited range of topics of education and determined to go
out and pursue further studies.21
In order to give Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān a good education, Sayyid
Aḥmad ‘Ali Farrukhābādī, one of his father’s friends, took the young boy to
Farrukhābād, where he read Arabic grammar. While studying in Farrukhābād,
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān met another of his father’s friend Maulavī Mardān
‘Alī, whose disciples took him to Kanpur, believing that he would find better
opportunities for continuing studies there. Here he associated with ‘ulemāʼ, poets, saints
and politicians and visited many shrines and important places. At Kanpur in 1269/1852,
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān met another of his father’s friends Qāḍī Kallū, who
took him to Delhi, where he became the pupil of muftī Ṣadr al-Din Khān. He remained
under his supervision for about two years and read preliminary works in logic,
philosophy and fiqh. He also read most of Ṣahīh al-Bukhārī, some portions of tafsīr alBaydāvī, and Arabic literature. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān being of a poor family
could not prolong his stay with Ṣāhib and, after getting a sanad from him, returned to
Kanauj 1270/1853.22
His Teachers
The other ‘ulemāʼ from whom Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān got educated they are
C h a p t e r - I I | 49
Shaikh Zain al-‘Abdīn, Maulānā Ḥusain ibn Moḥsin al-Ansārī al-Ḥadīdī,
Maulavī Abd al-Ḥaque Banārsī, Shaikh Muḥammad Yaqūb Dehlavī, Ḥakīm Asgar
Ḥusaīn Farrukhābād and Sayyid Naumān Khair al-Dīn Ᾱlūsī.23
Earning of Livelihood
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was mindful of tremendous responsibilities he
laid on his mother; and in order to free her from them, he set off for Bhopal in search of
service. He reached Bhopal in the last quarter of the year 1271/1854 and, knowing
nobody, he had to stay in a rented house there. No one could introduce him to the
malikah or the prime minister. He then wrote an application to Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn
Khān, the madār al-mahāmm (equivalent to prime minister) of Bhopal, on his own
initiative. Jamāl al-Dīn Khān, after learning his background and recollecting his father’s
services for Islam respected him and introduced him to his colleagues in the Bhopal
administration with the full support of Sayyid ‘Abbas ‘Alī Chiryākotī, Muḥammad
Ṣiddīque Hsaan Khān was appointed a special attendant of Jamāl al-Dīn Khān.24
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān proves to be a hard working man. During
office hours, he was keen and dutiful; in his leisure time he preached occasionally in the
mosque of Ibrāhīm Khān nearby. He was paid Rs. 30 p.m. which, to him, did not seem
an encouraging return for the services he was rendering to the state, and even insufficient
for the requirements of his family. He was about to resign when luckily the post of a
secretary became vacant, and he was promoted to it. The title of Mīr Dabīr was
conferred upon him as well. His pay was increased to Rs. 50 p.m. But he did not remain
long in this post. One day he differed with maulavī ‘Abbās ‘Alī Chiryākotī on the
unlawfulness of smoking. This controversy ultimately caused his dismissal. He left
Bhopal and set off towards Kanauj. On his way to Kanauj, he came to Hoshangābād,
where he fell ill. After recovery he left Hashangābād and came to Kanpur in the
beginning of 1273/ end of 1856 or the first quarter of 1857. This time another catastrophe
befell him. The revolt of 1857 broke out. Under difficult circumstances he managed to
join his family at Kanauj, which place had seemed beyond the reach of war enwrapped
Kanauj as well, and the entire village was razed to the ground. The situation deteriorated
further when he and his family were taken away by some of his father’s friends to
Maydānpur (Bilgrām), situated between Kanauj and the Ganges. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque
Ḥasan Khān’s friends, having lost their possessions in the war, could not help them
C h a p t e r - I I | 50
much. However they provided his family with whatever facilities they could afford.
These were distressing days for all of them. The family had neither sufficient food to eat
nor adequate clothing. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān had only one suit, and that was
made of many pieces mended together, but he did not lose heart. He had such a
tremendous attachment to learning that even doing those dark hours he continued
committing the Qurʼān to memory. When the war slackened its grip, the family came to
Mirzapur in 1274/1857 and stayed with Akbar ‘Alī Khān, another friend of his father.25
In these tragic circumstances, he received a letter from Sikandar Begum, the ruler
of Bhopal, in which she invited him, to Bhopal to work for her. He accepted the
invitation and set out at once for Bhopal. However, the rainy season delayed him, and
when reached the state, he found that his old enemies-Chiryākotī and his followers has
instigated the Begum against him. She was reluctant to fulfill her pledge which she had
made in her letter to him.26
In this state of frustration and disappointment he went to Tonk, where he arrived
on 11 Rabi‘al-Ᾱkhir, 1275/18 November 1858, and stayed with the relatives of Sayyid
Aḥmad Shahīd.27 Wazir al-Dawlah, the son of Amīr al-Dawlah, Nawāb Muḥammad
Amīr Khān, the ruler of Tonk, offered him a job at Rs. 50 p.m. which he accepted.
However, this did not provide Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān with sufficient support
for his family, and he was not happy in Tonk. After eight months of service with Amīr,
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān applied for four month leave, which was granted. This
coincided with another of gleam of hope-he received two letters from Bhopal-one from
Sayyid Jamāl-Dīn Khān, the prime minister, and other from the Begum, who after
discovering the intrigues of his opponent him, renewed her invitation to him.
He returned Bhopal in a state of ambiguity on 20th Dhū al-Hijjah 1275/21th July
1859, and arrived there on 10 Muharram 1276/9 August 1859. This time the Begum
received him well apologized for what he had suffered on her account. She granted him
travelling allowances as well. The Begum commissioned Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan
Khān for writing the history of Bhopal, a first attempt of its kind. Although his pay was
only Rs 70, his future prospects were encouraging. His appointment marked the end of
his suffering and the beginning of the new life. His ability and honesty turned his
fortunes more favorable and on 25 Sha‘bān 1277/ 14 October 1860, he married Zakīyyah
Begum, the eldest daughter of Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn Khān, the prime minister of Bhopal.
C h a p t e r - I I | 51
From now he became one of the most important office bearers of the Bhopal state. This
union resulted, three children—two sons: Sayyid Nūr al-Ḥasan Khān and Abū al-Nasr
Sayyid ‘Alī Ḥasan Khān, and one daughter Safīyyah.28
A few years after he had settled in Bhopal, his mother and sisters joined him.
This family reunion marked the beginning of the happiest period of his life.
Unfortunately this did not last long, for within six month of their arrival in Bhopal, his
mother and sisters had all died. It was a terrible shock for Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan
Khān, but Sikandar Begum’s motherly love and consolation helped him to endure it.
Besides he had experienced adversity before, and these tragedies, encompassing
humanity as a whole did not discourage him. He continued to do his job well and gave no
opportunity to any of his superiors to complain against him, and he was popular among
his colleagues.29
In 1285/1868 when Shāh Jahān Begum took over as ruler, Muḥammad Ṣiddīque
Ḥasan Khān sought her permission to make the pilgrimage to Makkah, to which he has
been looking forward for many years, after making careful preparations Muḥammad
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān left Bhopal on Monday, 27 Sha‘bān 1285/13 December 1868, and
arrived at Bombay, he stayed here for twelve days, and on 9 Ramaḍān 1285, before asr
prayer the ship named “Fath al- sultān” sailed for Jeddah. After seventeen days of hard
voyage, the ship touched Hudaydah (Yaman), seaport on Sunday, 26 Ramaḍān 1285.
During this voyage, Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, although suffering from seasickness, utilized most of his time in reading, writing and transcribed al-Sārim al- Manki,
the work of Hāfīz Qudāmah al- Maqdisī (d. 682/1283).30 As the ship berthed at
Hudaydah for a few days, he availed himself of this opportunity to visit his friends
Ḥusain ibn Mohsin, a prolific scholar of the time, and Shaikh Zain al-‘Abidin. He
remained with them for twelve days, during this time he studied some Ḥadīth literature
with Ḥusain ibn Mohsin. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān copied as much as he could.
He also read some works of Muḥammad ibn Ismā‘īl al-Amīr al-Yamanī and transcribed
many extracts from them. These letters he found particularly illuminating.31
His ship left Hudaydah on 10 Shawwāl 1285. Even on this voyage, he continued
his literary activities and studied the books he had brought in Hudaydah: Iqtidāʼ al-Sirāṭ
al-Mustaqim, Irshād al-Fuhūl, Nayl al-Awtār, and Fatḥ al-Qadīr, the works of ibn
C h a p t e r - I I | 52
Taimīyyah and Shawkānī, respectively. On 4 Dhū al-Qa‘dah, the ship arrived at Mīqāt,
where took bath, put on his Ihrām and made his intention for Hajj. The ship though
delayed owing to a slight break down, touched Jeddah seaport on Sunday, 9 Dhū alQa‘dah 1285/5 March 1889. In Jeddah he stayed for three days and on Wednesday, 12
Dhū al-Qa‘dah/8 March he left for Makkah. After completing the necessary rites of Hajj
in Makkah, he left for Medina on 15 Safar 12 86/ 27 May 1869, and arrived there after
twenty days of hard journey on camel across 400 kilometers of desert. He spent a week
at Medina during which time he visited the various sites of important land marks of
Islam. From Medina he returned to Makkah and performed the Umrah. After that, he
boarded the ship named ‘Fayḍ al-Bārī and arrived at Bombay on 12 Jumādī al
Awwal1286/ 1869. The total period was to be eight months and seven or eight days in
performing the Hajj.32
Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān retuned to Bhopal, where for many years he
had been an honored servant of the state. He was becoming more proficient and trusted
in the eyes of the Begum, and on his return from Hajj, Shāh Jahān Begum, the ruling
Malikah, honored him by appointing him Mudir (Vice-Chancellor) of Sulaimānīyah
schools.33This post, which he liked most, did not last long and after, he was promoted to
the post of Mir Munshī (i.e. the Begum’s personal secretary). The titles of Mīr Dabīr and
Khān were conferred upon him.
Second Marriage
In 1288/1871, he married Shāh Jahān Begum, the ruler of Bhopal, with approval
of the British government34. Why did the Begum select Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan
Shāh Jahān commented on her marriage poetically in a chronogram celebrating
the event. The verse was included in her diwān of Persian and Urdu verse, published in
Kanpur two years later:
I arranged, at God's order, my second nuptial bond;
With Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān of the Saiyyids, a conjunction;
From the lips of Shāh Jahān Begum, shirin [“sweet,” her pen name]
Hear this: Of the sun and the moon, a conjunction (iqtiraan).35
“I arranged” the marriage, she says, whereas the first time her mother had done
so. This may be a second marriage, but it is “at God's order”. Ṣiddīque, she asserts, is a
C h a p t e r - I I | 53
Sayyid, not a Pathan like the ruling family: it is understood that descent from the Prophet
is a mark of excellence. And the union is a heavenly conjunction, the overlap of sun and
moon. The conjunction is the prelude to the auspicious crescent of both Muslim and
Hindu thought, symbol of new beginnings. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān also had
been loyal servant in the Bhopal state for seventeen years and had given no chance to
anybody complained against him.
Now that Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was the husband of the Begum, it
was damaging to her dignity that her husband should remain a junior officer.36 She
therefore, determined to raise him to the position of former husband, Bāqī Muḥammad
Khān. To start with, she abolished the post Mir Dabir and merged it into the post of
Mu‘tamad al-Mahāmm37on Monday 21 Rabi‘ al-Ᾱkhir 1288/10 July 1871, she held a
durbar in which she conferred upon Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān the dignity of
Mu‘tamad Mahāmm with its titles, privileges and a jāgīr worth Rs. 24,000 a year.38 On
this occasion Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān addressed the gathering in these words:
Thanks to Allah who rewarded my sincerity, efficiency and industry with
increase my prestige and honor through my livelihood in the hands of a beneficent
person whose favors have encompassed all those who are present here, and who are very
thankful to for her favors; peace be upon the Apostle of Allah who adorned his Ummah
with excellent character- honesty, faithfulness, obedience, punctuality, efficiency, and
sense of duty and justice- and freed from bad ones-treachery, deception, bribery, stealing,
cruelty and justice. Then I thank the grand Begum, Nawāb Shāh Jahān, the crown of the
Bhopal state, who bestowed upon me first the post of Mīr Dabīr and the Mu‘tamad alMahāmm with its titles, privileges and above all responsibilities. She has obliged me so
much with her boundless favors that I can hardly repay it with my meager services to her
state. I deem it my duty to work for the good name of her state and be faithful to a wellwisher of her kingdom and children throughout my life. In this gigantic task I humbly
seek the help of the Almighty God and pray for the long life of the Begum and her
The Begum was still not satisfied with the position of her husband and, therefore,
prevailed upon the British officials to obtain for her husband the other titles enjoyed by
her former husband. 40 The Begum wrote to Colonel J.W. Osborne, the Political Agent
on 24 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1288/2 February 1872, requesting him to grant her husband the same
C h a p t e r - I I | 54
titles and privileges as those conferred upon her former husband.41 She particularly
wanted him to enjoy the titles of Nawāb , accompanied by the word Nazīr al-Dawlah;
Khila‘t; a salute of seventeen gun on his arrival at, and departure from Bhopal; the right
to meet British officials formally; receive nadhar (i.e. a gift as a token of obedience and
loyalty) from the Bhopal Army and officials on the eve of his decoration with Khila‘t;
and to be received at Khān bridge by an assistant Political Agent from Hoshangabād and
at Budhwāra gate by a chief secretary on behalf of the Indore and Sehore Agencies. 42
Further, the British Resident and Agent would pay official visit to him at his lodging
when they arrived or departed from Bhopal.43The political Agent to the Governor
General, Central India, who transmitted it to the Viceroy for his final consideration. The
Begum’s application was accepted, and she received a written official reply dated 18
Rajab 1289/21 September 1872. A state Durbār was held in Jahāngīrābād Place on 11
Sha‘bān1289/14 October, 1872 in which the Viceroy, the other British officials and
dignitaries participated. The titles were conferred upon Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan
Khān according to the wishes of the Begum.44It was already known to the state that the
British Government deemed it desirable to confer upon the Nawāb several titles and
honors. A darbār was summoned on 15 October 1872, for that particular purpose.
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was formally given the title of Nawāb Wālā-Jāh Amīr al-Mulk
and, like Umrāo Doulah, accorded a 17 gun salute at home. This is the purport of the
Before this, on the 17 September of this year, your highness was appraised of the
joyful intelligence that the British Government had consented to confer the title of
Nawāb and a Khila‘t on Nawāb Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, your beloved
husband. Accordingly, to-day it is my pleasing and agreeable duty, in the presence of this
joyful assembly, which has been convened to witness this auspicious event, to confer on
the Nawāb the Khila‘t and title which have been bestowed on him by the British
government, and I hereby proclaim before the assembled nobles and officers of the
Bhopal state, that the title of the Nawāb Wālājāh Amīr al-Mulk, and of a Khila‘t suited to
this exalted rank, have been conferred on the Nawāb by the British government, and that
illustrious government has sanctioned all the marks of distinction appertaining to this
rank. It is proper and expedient that the members of the ruling family, the nobles and
officers of state, should cordially observe the marks of respect and honor such as former
Nawābs of Bhopal enjoyed; and that the Nawāb, in gratitude for this splendid boon
C h a p t e r - I I | 55
bestowed on him by the British government, should endeavor to increase the good
reputation of the people with all his talents and ability.
It is open to your Highness and the Nawāb to maintain the prosperity and
progress of this states, which is already a pattern of good management to other states,
and to continue on that path of progress already so well commenced. I now conclude
these remarks with this prayer, that the Khila‘t and title may prove a blessing and
happiness to Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān and to your highness, as well as to all the
nobles of this state, and that the attainment of this lofty rank by the Nawāb may continue
to be a matter of congratulation to your highness and to all your family and to the
officers of this state. Dated the 15 October 1872.45
Over joeys at the British government’s decision, the love-lore Shāh Jahān,
dressed up her husband in a brocade sherwānī, covered him with jewelers, mounted him
on an elephant and, with the 17 gun royal salute booming over the ramparts of Fatahgarh
Fort, made him lead a ceremonial procession through the city, having ordered her
subjects to rejoice at the happy.46
After obtaining these titles and honors for her husband, the Begum availed herself
of every opportunity to increase the honor and prestige of the Nawāb. To make him her
representative in official engagement, the Begum wrote to the Political Agent:
The Deposition of the Nawāb of Bhopal
Besides their administrative duties, the Nawāb and the Begum were well aware of
their literary responsibilities. As a Muslim principality, Bhopal had attracted many
scholars, writers and poets. The Nawāb himself a great literary man, patronized and
encouraged literary activities in the royal court and under his influence a large number of
works were published in different languages and in different fields. But these literary
activities came to an end on 21 March 1881, when the British government accused the
Nawāb of publishing seditious material. In particular, the British claimed that books like
Hidāyat al-Sāʼil, Iqtirāb al-Sā‘ah, and Mawā‘izah Ḥasanah were likely to instigate
Indian Muslims to raise a jihād against the British government.47 The Viceroy reported to
the Secretary of state that it has lately come to our knowledge that Muḥammad Ṣiddīque
Ḥasan Khān, the husband of the Begum of Bhopal, has been for some time actively
C h a p t e r - I I | 56
engaged in the propagation of religious pamphlets of a kind calculated to encourage
religious fanaticism.48
In 1885 the government again accused the Nawāb of Bhopal of sedition, and on
17 Dhū al-Qa‘da 1302/28 August 1885, he was deposed.49
The following allegations were made on Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān:
I. For waging jihād against the English
II. Propagation of Wahhābī school of thought
III. Forcing the Begum to retire behind pardah and taken control over the state
IV. Removable of efficient persons from state machinery and replaced them by his
V. Creating the differences between Nawāb Shāh Jahān Begum and princesses
Sultan Jahān Begum
Now we will examine all these allegations, which were made on Nawāb
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān one by one.
Firstly, the old allegation that the Nawāb published treasonable material through
which he induced Indian Muslims to wage jihād against the English, and that he proved
himself traitor of the British government was resurrected.50 But this was no more true
than it had been 1881. The Nawāb’s critics concentrated their attack on five specific
books: Mawā‘izah Ḥasanah, Hidāyat al-Sā’il, Ghirbāl, Tarjumān-i-Wahhābīyyah, and
Iqtirāb Sā‘ah. A thorough examination of these books reveals that most of the writings
are translations and abridgment of the works of other scholars and that the charges are
On the other hand, these works were written between 1872 and 1877, a period in
which the Nawāb enjoyed full confidence of the English authorities. Moreover, when his
attention was drawn to the materials being objection, he started to clarify his position and
even went so far as to apologies for it.52 In his other works the Nawāb stressed that India
was dār al-Islām and that jihād against the English authority was unlawful. 53 He even
criticized those who participated in the revolt of 1857 against the English.54 Thus it
C h a p t e r - I I | 57
seems unlikely that he wrote his books with the purpose of creating revolt against the
English anywhere.
Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was accused for the propagation of the Wahhābi
school of thought. The Nawāb’s Tarjumān-i-Wahhābīyyah presents a true picture of
Wahhābīsm. The author exposed Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd al- Wahhāb and his creed in their
real perspective. Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān denied in innumerable place the
accusation of being a Wahhābī. The curious thing in this respect is that the term
“Wahhābī” has been used in different senses. In some places a Wahhābī is one who stops
people for showing undue respect to the tombs of pīr and saints;55 in other places a
Wahhābī is he who keeps his trousers above his ankle, does not shave his beard, offers
prayers and keep fast.56 In some places a Wahhābī is one who is not prepared to consider
‘Abd al-Qādir al-Gilānī (d.561/1165) as his helper;57 while in other places a Wahhābī is
one who does not follow any of the four a’immah.58 There seem no specific criteria for
the title of “Wahhābīsm”. Accordingly, the Nawāb cannot be considered a Wahhābī, if
he is to be considered a Wahhābī, then Ibn Taimīyyah, Ibn Qayyim al- Jawzīyyah,
Muḥammad ibn ‘Ali al-Shawkānī and Shāh Walīullah and his sons must also be called
Wahhābīs, and this is unacceptable.
Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was also accused for the forcing of the Begum to
retire behind pardah and taken control over the state, an answer to this charge could have
been produced quite easily if Indian culture and traditions had been considering.
According to this tradition a woman should retired in seclusion or observed pardah when
she married or her engagement took place. The Begum has an Indian woman and she
observed this traditions. But just because she kept pardah did not mean that she was
completely dissociated from the running of the state. She was a woman of great skill and
resource and, although in pardah, she supervised state affairs herself.59 The Nawāb was
merely an adviser and public representative of the Begum in official matters. He was
bound to act as the Begum wished him to do. He had no official authority to exercise
absolute power in the running of the state. If he had any say in state affairs, it was the
outcome of a legal marriage and understanding between a faithful wife and a reliable
husband. It seems unbelievable that a man who remains in the state machinery for a long
time, occupies key posts on account of his ability and efficiency and is considered
suitable to be Begum’s husband and is honored with the title of Nawāb, would have been
C h a p t e r - I I | 58
so ungrateful as to lock his wife behind doors and control the levers of power himself. If
he had dispossessed his wife, why did the Begum herself defend the charges, and remain
loyal to him during the difficult times that followed.60
The allegation that he removed efficient persons from the state machinery and
replaced them by his relatives can be justified.61 His only family, his sons and even they
had jāgīr from the state without any service. The possibility that he replaced the old staff
by people of a like mind to himself cannot be ruled out. He had as his literary advisers all
these persons who were more or less Ahl-i-Ḥadīth or else their line of coincided with that
of Nawāb. When he was deposed in 1885, it is reported that all these persons were
replaced by sunnī quḍāt (Ḥanafī judges).62
Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was also accused for the creating the differences
between Nawāb Shāh Jahān Begum and princess Sultān Jahān Begum, its facts that an
Indian family life, a step-father or mother is generally disliked by step-sons and
daughters. The prejudicial attitude of the Begum’s daughter to the Nawāb can be
explained in terms of the Begum’s marriage with the Nawāb. The Begum’s daughter
Sultān Jahān was afraid of her possible exclusion from the throne and so she tried her
best to exert her influence upon the British authorities to dismiss him.
Sultān Jahān Begum thus joined with some opponents of the Nawāb to
misrepresent him ideas to British officials. They carried on their enmity against the
Nawāb by misinterpreting his views to the English authorities when they failed by the
use of other possible method. The Shī‘ah appears to have been in the front line in this
struggle.63 His writings misinterpreted, and without adequate investigation Sir Lepel
Griffin, the Political Agent, became one of his severest opponents, and recommended to
the Viceroy the death sentence for the Nawāb or transportation for life.
Aftermath of the Deposition
After the deposition, the Nawāb was put to house imprisonment in Nūr Maḥall,
his private residence. He was not allowed to meet the Begum during the day, but he was
permitted to spend the night with her at Tāj Maḥall.64
After eight months the Begum, believing that her husband was innocent, arranged
a visit to Calcutta to see Lord Dufferin, the then Viceroy of India, to ameliorate his
C h a p t e r - I I | 59
condition.65 She was received with state honor and salutation. In her formal discussion
with the Viceroy, she expressed her feeling about the intolerable of her husband and
requested him to end his confinement. The Viceroy promised that he would consider her
request sympathetically and do whatever he could. He adjusted the Nawāb’s sentence to
allow him to stay with the Begum in Tāj Maḥall instead of Nūr Maḥall.66
This was, however, the most miserable part of the Nawāb’s life. He had no
friends except the Begum; even she was powerless to do anything for him.
Unfortunately, it is the nature of Indian people that as long as a man occupies an
important post in society, every one respects him; and when he is no more in that post, he
is completely forgotten.
However, the Nawāb was a man of international acclaim and had a few devoted
friends. These friends, although they could not help him practically, were of strong
conviction that everything emanates from Allah and no human being, can avert the
course of God’s will. One of his strong supporter Maulavī ‘Ubaid Allah, the author of
Tuḥfat al-Hind, wrote him a letter, saying,
“You are an impudent man, and this kind of incident should not discourage you.
My dear! Judge yourself properly, and be mindful of the fact that you are the descendant
and heir of the Prophetملسو هيلع هللا ىلص. You are the reformer of Dīn, renovator of the Sunnah, and the
omitter of sinful innovations. If the title of the Nawāb no more there, it should not matter
to you because the title of being of heir of Prophetملسو هيلع هللا ىلص is enough for you. If you possess no
longer the title of Amīr Mulk Wālājāh, the title of Amīr al-Mūʼminīn is already with you.
If you no more in the service of the state, the duty of serving the cause of Islam is still
there. You have lost power and position no doubt, but consider it like lose the dirt of
body by washing it. You do not worry, because the strength of man’s character is judged
in harsh conditions. Demonstrate a sense of steadfastness by accepting the situation in
cheerful mood God has got very important things done through you, and none can
compete with you in this By saying so, I do not mean that you should give up hope of
turning worse things into bitter; and remember, you are not alone in this struggle. We are
with you, because upon your rise and fall depends the rise and fall of Ahl al-Sunnat waʼl
Jammā‘t. We would pray that God may guide your enemies to the right path of justice, or
else harass them with the service of Dīn, and never allow any idea of disappointment
enter into your mind and hurt you.67
C h a p t e r - I I | 60
About the loss of titles, the Nawāb himself wrote: I was considering the title of
the Nawāb as a curse of God, and of Amīr al-Mulk Wālājāh as an instrument of
destruction on the Day of Resurrection. I told the Begum again and again that I was
never happy with the titles I got; but she compelled me to accept them. She once went so
far as to propose to me to make me a permanent ruler with the permission of the British
Government. But I prevailed upon her and stopped her from doing so.68
The Begum was an intelligent woman, tried his best to convince the state
officials, including the opposing royal faction Sultān Jahān Begum and his party, that the
loyalties of the Nawāb with the state and the royal family were unquestioned. She also
made clear to them that the Nawāb, with her advice, dissociated himself from the state
affairs, because she did not want him involved in further troubles. However, she said, he
accompanied her for fifteen years and performed his duties as efficiently as he could. He
did not do anything with his own free will, for whatever did, he did with her permission.
Therefore, it should be quite clear to all concerned that his accounts regarding the state
administration were closed. She issued a massive, stating that the Nawāb owed nothing
to the state, and nobody could, in future, legally sue him for any official mis-happening
His deposition did not terminate his literary activities completely. His physical
decline however, retarded them considerable. And these activities came to a standstill
when dropsy attacked him seriously. This illness lasted a few months till it caused his
death on Thursday, 29 Jumād al-Ᾱkhir 1307/1890.70
‘Alī Ḥasan Khān, his younger son, reported the last moments of his life:
Nine hours before he was going to die, he asked Qāḍī Dhū al-Fiqār Aḥmad
Bhopali whether the book Muqālāt al-Iḥsān, the translation of ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Gīlānī’s
work Futūh al-Ghayb, was printed and returned or not. Qāḍī Aḥmad replied that the
proof had come, was corrected and sent back, and that the book would soon be
published. Then, raising his head, he asked about the date Qāḍī Aḥmad replied that the
date was the 29 of Jumād al-Ᾱkhir 1307. On learning this, he said, the month is over, and
our book is completed. After that he fainted. At midnight, he asked about the time. We
replied that it was one o’clock in the morning. On hearing this, he kept quit. After half an
C h a p t e r - I I | 61
hour, he raised his head and said, ‘I like to meet God’. Then he asked for water, but no
sooner was drop of water put into his mouth then he breathed his last.
At one o’clock in the morning, his funeral ceremony was performed with simple
Islamic traditions, as he always wished and worked for. He was buried in his family
cemetery near Nazar Bāgh, the garden of Qudsiyah Begum. 71
After his death, the Begum prevailed upon the government of India to allow her
husband to be known as the ‘’late Nawāb ’’. Lord landsdowne, the then Viceroy, granted
her request and, on 29 Dhū al-Hijjah 1307/12 August 1890, issued an order, stating
It gives me great pleasure to state that the government of India has acceded to
your highness’s request that your late husband may be referred to in official documents
and correspondence as the late Nawāb and husband of the ruler.72
The Nawāb spent his entire life in serving the cause of Islam. He did whatever he
could to convey to the people the true teachings as he understood of the Qur’ān and
Ḥadīth. For this he published a considerable number of books in various languages and
arranged their free distribution among the people. He also sent his publications to various
scholars in different parts of the world and introduced his ideas to them. He seems to be
the first man who encouraged students to memorize the Saḥīh al-Bukhārī and Bulūgh alMarām. He sanctioned grants for those who committed themselves to this task; and Abu
Yahya Imām Khān Nawsheravī reported that two persons- of the names of Maulavī ‘Abd
al-Wahhāb Dihlavī and Maulavī ‘Abd al-Tawāb Ghaznavī- memorized Saḥīh al-Bukhārī,
who the Nawāb prized with Rs. 1000 each.73
He also tried his best to eliminate certain unfortunate customs and traditions from
Muslim society. Although he met severe oppositions in so doing, he never gave away to
any outside power of whatever might it was. He first introduced these reforms into his
own family, and this was the reason that when he stopped unnecessary celebrations on
the eve of Sultān Jahān Begum’s son’s nashrah and circumcision ceremonies, she took it
seriously considering the Nawāb as her deserter.74
He also established an institution called Madrasah-i-Ṣiddīque (the school of the
Nawāb) for education the poor and unprotected children, financing it from his private
C h a p t e r - I I | 62
jāgīr. After his death, the Begum took this institution in her own protection, built a new
block for it near the Late Nawāb’s tomb and sanctioned its finances from the state
treasury.75 He also arranged the marriage of those young boys and girls who had no
protection whatever. In short, he utilized all available opportunities to improve the social
and religious condition of Muslims in India in particular and throughout the world in
In brief, we can say that the Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān was born in the family
of Islamic scholars. Those scholar’s thoughts influenced Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān
for developing intellectual ability. Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan has endowed his own life for
the propagating the teaching of Islam while delving into his life, it seems as if he spends
his whole life according to some certain frame. Initially, Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān
spends all his life vigor to gain knowledge and crossed each stage to conquer every front
of Islamic knowledge. Later on, when his intellectual capacity developed in a concretized
way and got access of the knowledge of Islamic studies, he superseded all his
contemporaries in writing and delivering the lectures on the Qur’ān, Ḥadīth, Fiqh, and
Islamic history.
C h a p t e r - I I | 63
Notes and References
1 Saeedullāh, The Life and Works of Muḥammad Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Nawab of
Bhopal, (Lahore: Shaikh Muḥammad Ashraf, 1973), p. 21
2 Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Khān Abqāʼ al-Menan, 2nd ed. (Lucknow: Nawāb
Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Qanauji Islamic Academy, 2004), pp. 32-33 see also, Sayyid ‘Alī
Ḥasan Khān, Maʼāthr-i- Ṣiddīquī vol. I (Lucknow: Munshī Navel Kishor Press
1924), pp. 1-2, Razia Ḥāmid, Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, (Delhi: Universal Offset
Printers 1983), p.54;
3Zafarul Islam Khan, “Nawāb Sayyid Siddīk Ḥasan Khān”, in Encyclopedia of Islam,
new ed., [EI2], eds. C E Bosworth, et. al., (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993) vol, VII, p.
4 Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 22; ‘Alī Ḥasan Khān, op, cit., vol. I, pp. 36-37
5 Saeedullāh, op, cit., pp. 22,23
6 Ibid., p. 23; Ḥāmid, op, cit, p. 56
7 Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 23; Ḥāmid op, cit, pp. 56-7
8 Khān, op., cit., vol. I, p. 42; Saeedullāh, op, cit, p. 24
9 Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 25; Ḥāmid, op, cit, p. 57-8
10 Saeedullāh, op, cit, p. 26; see alsoKhān, op, cit., vol. I, p. 43
11‘Alī Ḥasan Khān, op, cit., p. 46
12Khān, op, cit., vol I, pp. 43-44
13 Saeedullāh op, cit., pp. 26-7
14 Ibid, pp. 26-7; Ḥāmid, op, cit., p. 60
15Khān, op, cit, vol I, p. 53
16 Saeedullāh, op, cit, 28-29; Alī Ḥasan Khan, Khān, vol. I, pp. 61-62
17 Saeedullāh, op, cit., pp. 28-29
18Khān, op, cit., vol. I, p. 74. Hāmid, p. 67
19 Saeedullāh, op, cit., pp. 29, Khān, op, cit., vol I, p. 75
20 Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Abqāʼ al-Menan, p. 34,
21 Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Abqāʼ al-Menan, p. 48 see also, Ḥāmid, op, cit., pp. 745
22 Ibid., 48-49, Ḥāmid, op, cit., pp. 75-6; Saeedullāh, op, cit., pp. 34-5
23 Ḥāmid, op, cit., p. 77; Khān, op, cit., vol. II, p. 17
24 Saeedullāh, op, cit, p. 37; Hāmid, op, cit., p. 77-8
C h a p t e r - I I | 64
25 Saeedullāh op. cit., p. 38; Hāmid, op, cit., p. 79-80; Khān, op, cit., vol. II, p. 36
26 Saeedullāh, op. cit., pp. 38-9
27 Ḥāmid, op, cit., pp. 82-83; Saeedullāh, op., cit., p. 39
28 Saeedullāh op. cit, p. 39
29 Ibid., pp.41-2
Nawab Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Abqāʼ al-Menan, p. 132
31 Ibid., p. 133
32 Saeedullāh, op, cit, p. 44; Ḥāmid, op, cit., p. 88
33 The institution is called after the name of Sulaimān Jahān Begum, the younger
daughter of Shah Jahān Begum, who passed away at an early age. It consisted of
forty-eight schools and sixty four teachers. In these schools, Arabic Persian,
Mathematics, Urdu, English, and other languages as subjects were taught. It had a
library called Mufīd-i-‘Ᾱm.
34Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān Abqāʼ al-Menan, p. 133, see also, The Nawāb Shāh
Jahān Begum, Tāj al-Ikbāl Tarīkh Bhopal; translated by H.C. Barstow (Calcutta,
1876), p. 151
35 Shāh Jahān Begam, Diwān-i-Shirin (Kanpur, 1871/1872), p. 186.
36 The Nawāb Shāh Jahān Begum, op, cit., p. 151
37Ibid., p. 152, this post was left vacant after the death of Rājā Kushan Ram on 1
Sha‘ban 1286/6 October 1869.
38 Ibid., p. 152
39 Ibid., pp. 152-3; Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 47
40Begum op, cit., p. 155,; Saeedullāh, op,cit., p. 47
41Begum, op, cit., p.154; Saeedullāh, op,cit., p. 48
42Begum, op, cit.,p. 155; Saeedullāh, op,cit., p. 48
43Begum, op, cit., p. 155; Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 48
44Begum, op, cit., pp. 156-7; Saeedullāh, op, cit., p. 48
45Begum, op, cit., p. 158
46 Shaharyār M. Khān, the Begums of Bhopal: A Dynasty of Women Rulers in Rāj India,
(Oxford: Tauris, 2000) p. 126
47 The Times, 27 December 1886, p. 8
48 Saeedullāh, op., cit, p. 54
49 The Times, 27 December 1886, p. 8
C h a p t e r - I I | 65
50 The Times, 27 December 1886, p. 8
51 Saeedullāh, op., cit. p. 60-1
52Nawāb Ṣiddīque Ḥasan Khān, Tarjumān-i-Wahhābiyyah, (Lahore: Muḥammadi,
1884) p. 13-7
53 Ibid., pp. 17-8
54Ibid., p. 16
55Ibid., p. 12
56Ibid., p. 12
57Ibid., p. 12
58Ibid., p. 12
59Begum., op., cit. p. 39
60The Times, 3 March 1890; Saeedullāh, op., cit., p. 60
61Saeedullāh, op., cit., p.65-6; The Times, 27 December 1886, p. 8
62The Times, 27 December 1886, p. 8 also Saeedullāh, p. 66
63Saeedullāh, op., cit., p. 69.
64Khān, op., cit., vol III, pp. 168-9; Saeedullāh , op., cit., p. 73
65 Ibid., p. 169
66 Ibid., p. 169
Saeedullāh, op., cit., p. 74
68 Ibid., p. 74
Ibid., p. 76
70Sultān Jahān Begum, An account of my life, (J. Murray, 1912), p. 143. The Nawāb left
behind one, wife, Nawāb Shāh Jahān Begum, had two sons, Sayyid Nūr al- Ḥasan
and Sayyid ‘Alī Ḥasan Khān.
71Khan, op., cit., vol iii, p. 200-1
72Ibid., p. 204; Sultān Jahān, op., cit., pp.144-5
73Nausherhravī, Imām Khān, Abū Yahyā, Tarājim ‘Ulemāʼ-i Ahl-i-Hadīth, (Delhi:
Jadid Barqi Press Balimaran 1938) p.277-312
74Sultān Jahān Begum, op,cit., pp.76-79
75Khān, op. cit., vol iii, p. 206
76Ibid., 202

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